Key Documents on the Iranian Nuclear Program
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) | UN Security Council | US Government | Other Governments
"[T]he Agency’s knowledge about Iran’s current nuclear programme is diminishing."
"Contrary to the decisions of the Security Council, Iran has not suspended its enrichment related activities"
“Understandings of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the IAEA on the Modalities of Resolution of the Outstanding Issues” August 27, 2007
This document reflects Iran's understanding of its agreements with the IAEA from negotiations that were held in July and August 2007.
Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of Security Council Resolution 1737 (2006) in the Islamic Republic of Iran
Report by the Director General, Feb. 22, 2007, Summary:
Pursuant to its NPT Safeguards Agreement, Iran has been providing the Agency with access to declared nuclear material and facilities, and has provided the required nuclear material accountancy reports in connection with such material and facilities.
The Agency is able to verify the non-diversion of declared nuclear material in Iran. The Agency remains unable, however, to make further progress in its efforts to verify fully the past development of Iran’s nuclear programme and certain aspects relevant to its scope and nature. Hence, the Agency is unable to verify the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran unless Iran addresses the long outstanding verification issues through the implementation of the Additional Protocol (which it signed on 18 December 2003, but has not yet brought into force) and the required transparency measures.
Iran has not suspended its enrichment related activities. Iran has continued with the operation of PFEP. It has also continued with the construction of FEP, including the installation of cascades, and has transferred UF6 to FEP. Iran has also continued with its heavy water related projects. Construction of the IR-40 Reactor, and operation of the Heavy Water Production Plant, are continuing. In contrast, there has been no indication of reprocessing related activities at any declared sites in Iran.
As underscored by the Director General at the meeting of the Board of Governors in November 2006 (GOV/OR. 1174, paras 86–94), given the existence in Iran of activities undeclared to the Agency for 20 years, it is necessary for Iran to enable the Agency, through maximum cooperation and transparency, to fully reconstruct the history of Iran’s nuclear programme. Without such cooperation and transparency, the Agency will not be able to provide assurances about the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran or about the exclusively peaceful nature of that programme.
International Atomic Energy Agency report on Iran, November 14, 2006: "While the Agency is able to verify the non-diversion of declared nuclear material in Iran, the Agency will remain unable to make further progress in its efforts to verify the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran unless Iran addresses the long outstanding verification issues, including through the implementation of the Additional Protocol, and provides the necessary transparency."
UN Security Council Resolution 1747, March 24, 2007– The Security Council enacts additional limited economic sanctions against more individuals and entities involved in Iran's nuclear and missile programs and demands compliance with previous resolutions within 60 days.
UN Security Council Resolution 1737, December 23, 2006 – The Security Council enacts limited economic sanctions against certain individuals and entities involved in Iran's nuclear and missile programs and demands compliance with Resolution 1696 within 60 days.
UN Security Council Resolution 1696, July 31, 2006 – The Security Council demands that Iran suspend all uranium enrichment with IAEA verification.
Presidential Statement of March 29, 2006 – The Security Council calls on Iran to fulfill the requirements set out by the IAEA Board of Governors.
See also United Nations General Assembly condemns Holocaust denial by consensus; Iran disassociates itself.
National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Iran, November 2007
From The National Security Strategy of the United States of America 2006
We may face no greater challenge from a single country than from Iran. For almost 20 years, the Iranian regime hid many of its key nuclear efforts from the international community. Yet the regime continues to claim that it does not seek to develop nuclear weapons. The Iranian regime’s true intentions are clearly revealed by the regime’s refusal to negotiate in good faith; its refusal to come into compliance with its international obligations by providing the IAEA access to nuclear sites and resolving troubling questions; and the aggressive statements of its President calling for Israel to “be wiped off the face of the earth.” The United States has joined with our EU partners and Russia to pressure Iran to meet its international obligations and provide objective guarantees that its nuclear program is only for peaceful purposes. This diplomatic effort must succeed if confrontation is to be avoided.
As important as are these nuclear issues, the United States has broader concerns regarding Iran. The Iranian regime sponsors terrorism; threatens Israel; seeks to thwart Middle East peace; disrupts democracy in Iraq; and denies the aspirations of its people for freedom. The nuclear issue and our other concerns can ultimately be resolved only if the Iranian regime makes the strategic decision to change these policies, open up its political system, and afford freedom to its people. This is the ultimate goal of U.S. policy. In the interim, we will continue to take all necessary measures to protect our national and economic security against the adverse effects of their bad conduct. The problems lie with the illicit behavior and dangerous ambition of the Iranian regime, not the legitimate aspirations and interests of the Iranian people. Our strategy is to block the threats posed by the regime while expanding our engagement and outreach to the people the regime is oppressing.
United States Policy Towards Iran, R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Testimony Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 29, 2007 (excerpt):
For nearly three decades, dealing with Tehran’s confrontational ideology and strident anti-Americanism has been a persistent dilemma for our country. But never have the concerns regarding Iran’s intentions been more serious, the intricacies of Iranian politics more significant, or the policy imperatives more urgent than they are today. Under President Ahmad-Nejad, Tehran has embarked on a dangerous course—repeatedly defying its obligations under international law and appalling the world with the most abhorrent, irresponsible rhetoric from a world leader in many years. Ahmadi-Nejad has declared that Iran’s nuclear program has “no brakes,” and the Iranian regime has brazenly disregarded demands from both the International Atomic Energy Agency and the United Nations Security Council for a full suspension of its enrichment-related and reprocessing activities. We have created a coalition of all the leading countries of the world who are concerned that Iran’s so-called peaceful nuclear program is actually designed to produce a nuclear weapon.
Beyond its pursuit of nuclear weapons, Iran has endeavored to sow chaos and instability throughout the region, particularly in the precarious democracies of Iraq and Lebanon, where Iranian-funded militants seek to thwart the democratic will of the Iraqi and Lebanese people. And as the regime has escalated its long-standing and violent rejection of a Middle East peace settlement between the Israeli and the Palestinian people, its human rights record at home has once again taken a dismal turn.
In order to deal with the challenge that Iran poses, we have a policy of applying multiple points of pressure against the Iranian regime. First, we are working at the United Nations and bilaterally to increase pressure on Iran to abandon its apparent quest for a nuclear weapons capability. As a result, there is now a major international coalition of countries asking Iran to abandon a nuclear weapons capability. This coalition includes all of Europe, Russia, China, India, Brazil, Egypt, and now Indonesia and South Africa. Second, we have applied U.S. financial sanctions on Iran’s leading banks. Third, we have used our influence to convince leading European banks to stop all lending to Iran. We have convinced European governments and Japan to begin reducing export credits. Fourth, we continue our efforts to discourage the Iranian regime’s support for terrorism and extremism, while expanding engagement with the Iranian people. Finally, we have stationed two carrier battle groups in the Gulf to reassure our friends in the region that it remains an area of vital importance to us and we have taken steps to counter the destructive activities of Iran in Iraq itself. All of these points of pressure have had an impact on Iran, which is now essentially without friends on the nuclear issue.
Diplomacy is our best and preferred course of action in blocking and containing the Iranian regime. I do not believe a military confrontation with Iran is either desirable or inevitable. If we continue our skillful diplomatic course and have the patience to see it play out over the mid- to long-term, I am confident we can avoid conflict and see our strategy succeed. Our strong hope is that Iran will accept the offer to negotiate with the U.S. and our P-5 partners so that we can achieve a peaceful end to Tehran’s apparent nuclear weapons ambitions.
From Annual Threat Assessment and U.S. National Security Challenges, John D. Negroponte, Director of National Intelligence, Statement for the Record to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, January 11, 2007
The United States’ concerns about Iran are shared by many nations, including Iran’s neighbors. We assess that Tehran is determined to develop nuclear weapons--despite its international obligations and international pressure. It is continuing to pursue uranium enrichment and has shown more interest in protracting negotiations than reaching an acceptable diplomatic solution. This is a grave concern to the other countries in the region whose security would be threatened by Iranian nuclear weapons. Any such development could prompt dangerous and destabilizing countermoves in a volatile region that is, because of its energy reserves, critical to the global economy.
From Recognizing Iran as a Strategic Threat: Staff Report of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Subcommittee on Intelligence Policy, August 23, 2006
Threats against the United States and Israel by Iranian President Ahmadinejad – coupled with advances in the Iranian nuclear weapons program, support for terror, and resistance to international negotiations on its nuclear program – demonstrate that Iran is a security threat to our nation that requires high caliber intelligence support.
Treasury Department sanctions against Iranian banks and companies:
October 25, 2007 Designation of Iranian Entities and Individuals for Proliferation Activities and Support for Terrorism, Fact Sheet and Statement : Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Ministry of Defense, Bank Melli, Bank Mellat
Treasury Secretary Paulson's June 14, 2007 remarks on sanctions: [excerpt] "It is well known that Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons in violation of international agreements and channeling hundreds of millions of dollars to terrorist groups. Still, when I was first briefed on the details, I was surprised to learn the extent to which Iran was exploiting global financial ties to pursue and finance its dangerous behavior, and the extent to which reputable financial institutions were being drawn into these schemes. ... To combat the Iranian threat, we embarked on a strategy that combines the use of intelligence-based targeted financial measures with a concentrated outreach strategy to inform financial leaders, in governments and, especially in the private sector, of what was happening."
Treasury Takes Additional Measures to Combat Iranian WMD Proliferation: "The U.S. Department of the Treasury today [June 8, 2007] designated four Iranian companies, Pars Tarash (a/k/a Pars Trash Company), Farayand Technique, Fajr Industries Group, and Mizan Machine Manufacturing Group, for their role in Iran's proliferation of weapons of mass destruction."
Treasury Targets Iranian Companies for Supporting WMD Proliferation: "The U.S. Department of the Treasury today [Feb. 16, 2007] designated three Iranian companies supporting Iran's proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, Kalaye Electric Company, Kavoshyar Company, and Pioneer Energy Industries Company."
Bank Sepah: “The Department of the Treasury today [Jan. 9, 2007] designated Bank Sepah, a state-owned Iranian financial institution for providing support and services to designated Iranian proliferation firms.”
Bank Saderat: “In a move to counter Iran's support for terrorism, the U.S. Department of the Treasury today [Sept. 8, 2006] announced that Iran's Bank Saderat is being cut off from all access to the U.S. financial system, direct or indirect.”
Congressional Actions:
Introduced legislation and resolutions:
Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007 (introduced in the House, March 8, 2007 and in the Senate, March 23, 2007)
House version and summary by AIPAC
Senate version and summary by AIPACIran Sanctions Enabling Act of 2007
To require divestiture of current investments in Iran (H.R. 1357) - introduced in the House, March 6, 2007
Calling on the United Nations Security Council to charge Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad with violating the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (H. CON. RES. 21) - introduced January 9, 2007
Laws:
Iran Freedom Support Act of 2006
Iran Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act of 2002
Congressional Research Service reports
US Concerns and Policy Responses, January 23, 2007
Iran’s Nuclear Program, December 26, 2006
Iranian Nuclear Sites, December 12, 2006
Group of Eight (G-8):
Heiligendamm Statement on Non-Proliferation: "We deplore the fact that Iran has so far failed to meet its obligations under UNSC Resolutions 1696, 1737 and 1747 and will support adopting further measures, should Iran refuse to comply with its obligations."
European Union:
EU Presidency Statement on the Iranian nuclear programme, April 10, 2007
Foreign Ministers Call for Negotiated Solution, March 26, 2007
Iran-European Union agreement on nuclear program, November 14, 2004
United Kingdom:
Prime Minister Tony Blair, December 20, 2006 - The world must wake up to the challenge of a nuclear Iran.
Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett, February 22, 2007 - "Iran has so far failed to take this positive path and comply with Security Council requirements. As envisaged in Resolution 1737, we will therefore work for the adoption of further Security Council measures, which will lead to the further isolation of Iran internationally."
France:
President Jacques Chirac on French policy vis-à-vis Iran, February 1, 2007 - "France, with the international community, cannot accept the prospect of an Iran with nuclear weapons and is asking Iran to comply with her commitments under the NPT, while reaffirming that country's right to civilian nuclear power. Iran, who has not proved that her nuclear programme was designed for peaceful purposes, has to implement the IAEA and UN resolutions and restore the trust she has broken during a long period of concealment of her nuclear activities. This issue is endangering the balance and stability of the Middle East region and beyond."
Israel:
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s Address at the 2007 Herzliya Conference, January 24, 2007 [Full text]
Today, there is not one among us who does not sense the dangers inherent in this threat, not only to Israel, but also to the future of the region and to the stability of the world order. Every Israeli government over the past decade acted vigorously to improve our ability to track Iran’s intentions, increase international awareness of the threat, mobilize international support to stop external assistance of the Iranian plans and prepare appropriate options in the event that these efforts prove unsuccessful in the end.
We achieved considerable accomplishments in each of these areas; however let us not delude ourselves: the primary goal which must be realized still lies ahead. For many long years, we have followed Iran’s efforts to acquire nuclear weapons, in the guise of a civilian nuclear program. They are working through secret channels in a number of sites spread out across Iran. In the past few years, we have been witness to especially intense Iranian activity on two tracks – the overt and the covert.
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s remarks on Iran in his address to the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, February 6, 2007 [Full text]
I think that there is a way to stop the Iranians from moving forward on their nuclear program without violent actions. I believe that the measures that were taken by the international community recently are more effective than nothing. They are not enough. It is not sufficient. There must be more, but there is a genuine chance that if all the international community joins forces and applies the necessary, restrictive measures on the economy of Iran, that it will have such an impact that, at the end of the day, it will force them to reconsider their position.
Israel never pushed anyone for any extreme action. However, Israel will not hesitate and will act relentlessly everywhere, in order to remind the world of its responsibility to take the necessary measures that will stop the Iranians from moving forward on their nuclear program. As I said, I think it is not impossible if the Europeans, rather than occasionally making comments which are inappropriate to put it mildly, would join forces in a most determined and the firmest possible manner with the United States, and if Russia and China would join in, then all of them together can create enough pressure that it would cause such damage to the Iranian economy, and we see some signs already that it will force them to reconsider.
We are very concerned, although we don't think that we are as near to the realization of the threat as the Iranians sometimes want us to think they are. They have a reason. They believe that if they will convince the international community that they are so close that they actually crossed the technological threshold, then everyone will raise their hands and will say, “okay now, we have lost this battle, so let's try and accommodate the Iranians”. They are not there. They are not as close to the threshold as they pretend to be. Therefore, there is still time to fight in a responsible, comprehensive and powerful manner, and we expect the international community to do it, and we will not hesitate to remind everyone of their responsibility.
What concerns us as Jews is, first and foremost, the reality in which a leader of a nation of over seventy million people can stand up openly and publicly, and threaten that he or his country will annihilate another nation, a member of the United Nations. This is totally intolerable and unacceptable. It is, first and foremost, a fundamental moral issue of the highest order. And no country which is a member of the United Nations can pretend to consider what its position should be. There can be only one position which is totally against these kinds of declarations, these kinds of policies and these kinds of efforts made by any country in the world.
More Government of Israel Statements on the Iranian Nuclear Threat